|
Shall the Pearl of Africa Rise
and Shine Again?
I wrote this paper in 1999 as an assignment during my master’s
studies at the Centre for Infrastructure Planning in Stuttgart,
Germany. With a completely naive approach I grappled
with the question: what path should Uganda follow
to develop? And today, more than ever, I am convinced that those
naĆÆve musings of 1999 point the way to that path. Please read
on and make your own opinion. If it’s too long, just go
straight to the conclusion. I will be more than glad to receive
your comments.
1.0 Background Information
1.1 Introduction
In 1910, Winston Churchill baptized Uganda the Pearl of Africa
because of the beauty of the landscape. The natural beauty remains
but the country has had upheavals that have seen development plummet
to the doldrums. Fortunately in the recent past there has a change
for the better. But the question still remains; are the positive
changes enough to make the Pearl of Africa rise and shine again?
This paper attempts to answer the above question by making an
analysis of the development situation in Uganda. Chapter 1 gives
the general information about the country. It also puts the development
situation in perspective by citing the significant facts about
Uganda’s history and their impact on the economy. This
is followed by chapter on current development that describes the
economic and political situation since 1986 when the reigning
National Resistance Movement (NRM) came to power. Having considered
the past and the present, chapter 3 puts forth –viable recommendations
and priorities for the future. And finally come the conclusions.
Map of Uganda.
1.2 General Facts
Uganda is located in East Africa and has a total surface areas
of 241, 500 sq.km. The country is completely landlocked. The
population is 21 million giving an average density of 85 persons/sq.km.
The annual population growth rate is however an alarming 3% per
annum. Per capita income is a mere 320 US $ per year but the
GDP rates is one of the highest in the world. 1998 GDP growth
rate was 5.6% (2). The economy of Uganda is mainly agrarian.
The agricultural sector employs 78% of the population in the form
of subsistence farming (1). The country is also endowed with
a variety of natural resources. For agricultural there are good
soils and climate in many parts of the country, and Uganda can
easily become the grain basket of Africa.
There are also a variety of rivers and lakes. These include
Lake Victoria and River Nile. The minerals resources include
cobalt, gold and copper. The country is also immensely beautiful
and has a lot of potential for tourism.
1.3 History
The political history of Uganda and her development are inextricably
intertwined. In colonial times the British founded the state
of Uganda, as we know it today and instituted administrative structures
for the nation. A number of different ethnic and tribal groupings
were brought together to form a nation. This heterogeneous character
of the country is abused by politicians for selfish aims and has
therefore contributed to internal tensions. The British also
opened the country up to the world economy by introducing cash
crops for export. In addition, the British built infrastructure
facilities such the railway (which provided a vital link to the
Indian Ocean), a road network, the Owen falls hydropower station
in 1958, several schools, factories and hospitals.
At independence time in 1962, the economy of the country was
strong and vibrant with fairly good infrastructure systems. For
instance, capita income in 1962 was160 US$; higher than Thailand’s
US$ 150 (1).
Although the colonial inheritance was beneficial to the country
in several ways, its main shortcoming was that it did not leave
in place adequate systems and skilled personnel to run the country.
Thus the post –independence leaders were not skilled enough
to handle the complexities of the fragile nation and ensure beneficial
participation on the international scene. The events of history
unfolded to reveal that the country was ill prepared for independence.
Milton Obote was the first post-independence premier with Edward
Muteesa as ceremonial president. In 1966 Obote overthrew Muteesa
with the help of his half-literate Army Commander known as Idd
Amin. He thus introduced the military into politics. And in
January 1971 Amin overthrew Obote in a coup de tat.
Amin unleashed a dictatorial reign of brutality and terror.
Economic development was drastically reversed during Amin’s
(mis)rule. Infrastructure and institutions collapsed. In 1972
he chased all Ugandans of Asian origin out of the country and
expropriated their property. Factories were given to Amin’s
illiterate cronies who grossly mismanaged them. By 1975 the annual
GDP growth rate had fallen to –5.1% down from the 1967 rate
of +5.1% (2).
Amin’s international relations were also equally disastrous.
In 1977 he played an instrumental role in the collapse of the
East African Community (EAC). And in 1978 he provoked Tanzania
into a war which led to his overthrow the following year. The
country was liberated from a dictator. But the cost to the economy
of this war, in terms of loss of human life and destruction of
infrastructure, was enormous.
Obote come to power once again through the disputed 1980 elections.
His efforts to reconstruct the war –ravaged county were
greatly undetermined by a guerrilla war launched by Yoweri Museveni
in protest against the elections results. In 1985 Obote was once
again overthrown by the military. The following year Museveni’s
rag-tag army triumphantly marched into Kampala. Museveni became
president and is still in power today.
2.0 The Situation Today
2.1 New Government
Museveni’s pragmatic and candid demeanour immediately
impressed many at home and abroad but the task ahead was daunting.
He inherited an economy destroyed by years of mismanagement and
war. GDP in 1986 was a mere US $ 900 million. This was 42% lower
than the 1970 figure (1). Even the very basic needs like soap
and salt were hard to come by.
In 1987, in collaboration with the World Bank and the IMF, he
embarked on a programme of reform by introduction of new measures
aimed at achieving a stronger market economy. Uganda embarked
on a programme of rejuvenation that has seen the country making
remarkable economic recovery. The result was that in the decade
1988- 1998 the country achieved an impressive average GDP growth
rate of 6.4% (2). Today Uganda is acclaimed by the World Bank
as a shining example of an economic recovery success story.
2.2 Positive Economic Changes
The economic reforms include: restoration of capacity, rebuilding
of infrastructure and stabilizing the macro-economic policy.
All economic sectors were in ruins. Factories had ground to
a halt and agriculture production was low. An active policy to
get factories functioning again was implemented and new ones were
built. The result was successful import substitution that eliminated
dependence on neighbouring Kenya for basics such as bread, soap
and beer. The agriculture sector was also restored. Production
of the traditional cash crops of coffee, cotton and tea was restored.
In addition there was a strategy used to boost agriculture through
the introduction of non-traditional agricultural exports (NTAEs),
such as horticultural products, beans and simsim, to reduce over-dependency
on coffee. In the mining sector, production of copper which used
to contribute to 30% of the country’s export earning had
halted. Measures to compensate for this loss by exploitation
of cobalt are in place. When production finally starts, Uganda
will contribute 5% to the world’s cobalt output (1).
Rebuilding of infrastructure destroyed by the two wars also
took place. Many roads were repaired and the Owen Falls dam power
output was restored to capacity. A new power station is under
construction at the Owen Falls, and others are planned at Bujagali
and Karuma falls. The generated power will be for stimulation
of growth of the manufacturing sector and for export.
At macro-economic policy level the economy was opened–up
through trade liberalization. There were also fiscal and monetary
policy measures which, among others, included tighter government
spending, and control of inflation. In 1987 the inflation rate
was at 200%. By 1998 it had been reduced to 6% (2). Determination
of the foreign exchange rate was also left to market forces.
Institutionally there was a land reform in 1998 and streamlining
of the civil service through retrenchment. In addition the new
Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) improved tax collection in the
country while private investment was facilitated through the creation
of the Uganda Investment Authority (UIA). Privatisation of state
parastatals with the aim of making them more efficient providers
of services was also undertaken.
All these were crowned with gender sensitivity through affirmative
action for females. Each district has a special woman representative
in parliament.
Politically, a no-party state was introduced. The National
Resistance Movement (NRM), which started, as a guerrilla organization
constituted itself into an organ that is running the country up
to day. For reasons of national reconciliation and unity, activities
of all political parties were suspended. In principle the Movement
is an umbrella organisation to which all Ugandans belong. The
System worked very well in the beginning as a kind of transitory
phase. Because of its principle of maintaining a broad-base it
comfortably accommodated various interest groups into a semblance
of unity. Under this system, elections at various levels were
also held right from the RC 1 to parliament level.
In 1995, a new constitution was enacted after extensive consultation.
Under the new constitution the Movement system of government is
to continue until 2000 when a referendum will take place to determine
whether to continue with the Movement system or change to multiparty
politics. The new constitution provides for 5 yearly direct presidential
elections under the Movement. In 1996 the first such elections
were held and the incumbent emerged victorious.
2.3 Today’s Problems
2.3.1 Failure at Micro-level
Most indicators show that macro-economic performance is largely
on track. However at household level performance is still dismal.
The average man is still as badly off, maybe even worse off, than
in previous regimes. 55% of the people live below the poverty
line while 31% of the income is concentrated in 10% of the population
[3].
There exists dualistic situation in which income is concentrated
in Kampala City leaving the countryside in poverty. Even within
the city, income distribution is highly skewed with 58% of the
inhabitants having single-room dwellings, and over 50% not having
access to the municipal sanitation system [4]. Hence a small
minority click within the city is wallowing in affluence while
the rest of the country languishes in abject poverty.
There are also disparities in the countryside. Some areas are
better endowed in resources in terms of soils and climate for
agriculture production. Others are in close proximity to the
city or connected to it by good road network. And yet in others
perpetual civil war has brought all development activity to a
standstill while destroying whatever had been achieved in the
past.
This undesirable situation is exacerbated by the rapid population
growth rate. The 1980 census year population was at 12.5 million
[1]. Today it is already 21 million [2]. At the current growth
rate of 3% per annum the population growth rate is out-stripping
the ability of the economy to adequately cater for the people.
Out of the maximum of 1 on the Human Development Index (HDI),
Uganda had a value of 0.326 in 1996. This ranked Uganda 155th
out of the 174 countries for which HDI was calculated [1].
Another manifestation of poverty is ignorance and prevalence
of disease. The literacy rate today is only at 55%. While in
1996 the health expenditure was only 5.65 US$ per capita per year
which falls short of the World Health recommendation of at least
12 US $. Infant mortality in the same year was 122 children per
1000 live births [1]. One aspect of health worth of special mention
here is the AIDS problem. Due to ignorance and a poorly organized
health system, the disease afflicted many people in the sexually
active age group (note that this age-group also constitutes the
labour force).
A serious consequence of poverty is that as people get more
desperate, they exploit the environment with impunity (87% of
the population survives by directly exploiting the land in the
form of subsistence farming) [1]. The result is environmental
degradation. The destroyed environment in turn leads to low yields.
Environmental degradation is evidenced by land fragmentation (especially
in the highly populated areas around volcanic mountains). Since
1986 the country experienced two severe famines in two different
regions. The latest one occurred this year in the western part
or the country. These incidences of famine can be largely attributed
to environmentally unsustainable farming methods.
The economic growth rate over the past years has been high and
yet the majority of the people have remained poor. This is because
the link between economic development and people’s welfare
is weak. The strengthening of this link cannot be expected to
happen automatically.
2.2.3 Huge international Debt burden
All development has been achieved through colossal borrowing
from especially the World Bank and the IMF. In 1986 the debt
was US $1300 million [1]. Today it stands at alarming figure
of US $ 3600 million. The ratio of the debt to GDP is 0.5:1 [2].
Therefore the external debt constitutes 33% of the GDP. This
comes with the associated burden of debt servicing. Borrowing
per se is not bad as it injects extra capital into the economy;
which can break the vicious cycle of poverty. The problem here
is that debt-funded projects are rarely utilized to create capacity
in the domestic economy with the aim of becoming independent from
on come generation at home. For example, a typical government
loan will usually put aside a hefty portion of the budget for
purchase of four-wheel vehicles. These are manufactured abroad
and therefore do not contribute to income and employment at home.
This undesirable situation is worsened by public officials who
divert borrowed monies for personal benefit.
2.2.3 Poor Balance of Trade
Uganda relies on low value exports with little value added while
importing expensive manufactured goods with full added. The result
is that revenue from exports falls short of income from imports.
This implies that Ugandans give more money to citizens of other
countries than they receive. Hence in terms of employment creation,
Uganda is contributing more to foreign countries than to the home
economy. The ultimate result is the outflow of income from Uganda
to abroad. This contributes to maintenance of the poverty situation
in the country.
2.3.4 Corruption
The cancer of corruption manifests itself in form of bribery,
stealing of public funds and favouritism. Due to breakdown of
the legal system and moral decadence resulting from years of political
anarchy, corruption is so wide spread that is has now become an
accepted way of living. For example, a government official in
charge of constructing a new public building would be considered
a fool (by Ugandan standards) if he did not divert enough materials
from the project to construct himself a posh bungalow. In Uganda
the attractiveness of job is seen in terms of avenues it offers
for corruption. When one finds an ‘attractive job’,
the special phrase used is that he has ‘eaten’ or
‘fallen into riches’.
A sizeable section of the middle class and political elite acquire
their wealth through corruption. In Uganda the majority of the
rich are not necessary working harder. They are stealing harder.
The source of the stolen funds is foreign aid and the efficient
tax system. The consumption patterns of the corrupt elite are
ostentatious. They live the life that they see in the movies:
watch cable TV, drive huge four wheel vehicles, wear designer
clothing – in short commodities that are not manufactured
in the country. This adds yet another unfortunate dimension to
the problem in that the bulk of the stolen funds get out of the
economy to create employment and income in developed countries.
In effect, this looting of public money ensures that all the aid
coming to country is going down a black hole. The resulting imbalance
in wealth also breeds political discontent amongst the people
out of the system of government who feel denied of the national
cake.
There is lack of political will to fight this ill. For instance,
the president’s brother has on three separate occasions
confessed to corruption involving colossal sums of money. He
has never been prosecuted. And, even more unfortunate, he still
finds the audacity to lead a high profile public life.
Corruption has undermined otherwise well-intentioned policies.
The privatization process has become an avenue for the well-connected
elite to unfairly grab companies at give–away prices. The
Uganda Revenue Authority is in effect an organ to squeeze money
out of honest Ugandans and line the pockets of the corrupt click.
The enormous foreign debt only benefits this click and yet the
burden to pay falls on all Ugandans.
The other aspect of corruption is favouritism in the form of
nepotism and preferential treatment for certain regions of the
country. The best paying jobs are dominated by people from a certain
region. In 1988 when there was a famine in the eastern part of
the country, the people were sarcastically advised to eat mangoes
to stave starvation. This year when there was a famine in the
west (the ruling elite’s home region), a sum of 3 billion
shillings was immediately dispatched [5]. Hence the distribution
of resources is not based on rational development policy but on
petty sectarian considerations. This unfairness is cause of plenty
of resentment for the current regime.
Although the high profile cases generate more public attention,
corruption is widely spread. It’s highly likely that even
a clerk in a small remote office will expect a bribe before he
renders a service.
2.3.5 Political Problems
Because of the atrocities of previous regimes and the popular
nature of the NRM war, there was plenty of good will from the
masses for the Movement. However the initial altruism of the
Movement is gradually disappearing to reveal the ugly head of
arrogant abuse of power for self-aggrandizement. The population
is becoming increasing wearer of the system. For this reason,
in its quest for longevity in power, the Movement is increasingly
using unfair means to maintain an artificial majority. The majority
is artificial because there is no level political playing field.
The movement uses state machinery, state patronage, and intimidation
of opponents to maintain a majority. On the other side is an
‘opposition’ which is banned. Therefore the Movement
can win any election hands down.
Though in principle all Ugandans belong to the Movement, the
reality is that only certain individuals are ‘true Movementist’.
There exists an unofficial opposition consisting of advocates
for multi-party. And within the Movement there is a spilt between
the hardliners and the reformers. The reformers are urging for
opening up of the system to multi-party. The reformers are also
the ones at the forefront of the battle against corruption while
the hardliners (including the president) tend to sympathize with
the corrupt. It can therefore no longer be argued that the hardliners
can lead to the development of Uganda through a benevolent dictatorship.
The question of whether to start multi-party policies or maintain
the Movement system will be decided in a referendum in 2000 [9].
Given the existing political set-up, it is a foregone conclusion
that the movement will win the referendum by mobilizing an artificial
majority. And with a new legitimacy arising from this victory
the Movement will suppress opposition with impunity. This, it
is feared will exacerbate internal tensions and lead to even more
civil strife.
On going wars within and without the country’s boundaries
are a continuous sad reminder that the road to full national reconciliation
is still long and difficult. Remnants of former regimes are waging
guerrilla wars in the north and in the west of the country. The
rebels use the cowardly tactics of attacking soft targets. They
kill, maim, abduct and rape civilians. The people must abandon
their farms to live in protected villages. The guerrilla wars
have an international dimension because the rebels are supported
by Sudan as retaliation against support offered by Uganda to the
Sudan Peoples Liberation army (SPLA).
Since coming to power in 1986 the government has been involved
in skirmishes with Kenya, a war to overthrow the Hutu regime in
Rwanda, the overthrow of Mobutu in former Zaire.
Currently Uganda is at war in the Democratic Republic of Congo
(DRC). This conflict, known as the Great Lakes Region Conflict,
is now a costly international stalemate. On one side is Uganda
and Rwanda. On the other side is DRC support by Zimbabwe, Angola,
Namibia and the Central African Republic. The result is that
Museveni has lost the political stature he once wielded in the
Great Lakes Region.
3 Suggestions for the Future
3.1 The People as a Resource and Beneficiaries in the Development
Process
The people in a nation are a nation’s major resource.
At the same time, all development efforts are geared towards improving
people’s welfare.
There are three factors of production; land, labour and capital.
The people constitute the labour force. Labour is considered
the most instrumental factor because it is people who organize
and utilize the land and the capital for production. Development
of a nation hinges on the human resource. And as the nation develops
the people’s welfare also improves. Therefore, short of
manna falling from heaven, the people are responsible for uplifting
their own well-being.
From the perspective of labour, there are some necessary preconditions
for development. One is that all individuals of productive-age
must be healthy and have useful skills. The other is that there
must be institutions capable of reaching all individuals and co-ordinating
their diverse activities to achieve certain desirable conditions.
Assume for example that a strategic shift from agriculture to
an industrial based economy is planned. It will be necessary
that the individuals are given new skills and that institutions
reach all people to influence their decisions toward industrialization.
Another essential for development is a peaceful political atmosphere.
The political environment is a sum of interactions between individuals
and groups of individuals. Genuine and lasting peace can only
be achieved when the majority of the people are willing to work
together as a nation. To get people to work together starts with
education and continues with institutions capable of reaching
each individual member of society.
The above discussion points to the need for development of the
human resource (for skills, health and political cohesion) as
well as institutions for co-ordination and consistency.
People can also influence development negatively. Wars, for
example, are an outcome of people’s actions. Corruption
can also only be perpetuated by people. The simple example of
a plan to build a new bridge explains the danger of corruption
and war. On one hand the bridge project may never be finished
because a certain corrupt official siphoned the monies to his
account. On the other hand, the nearly constructed bridge might
be destroyed in a war. This points to the need for education to
instil morals and a spirit of national unity. It also calls for
institutions strong enough to keep errant individuals in control.
It is for these reasons that this paper gives emphasis not to
development of physical infrastructure, but to education and review
of the institutional, legal and policy frameworks.
3.2 Review of institutional and Legal Framework
The entities that make up a cohesive nation are either non-existent
or non-effective. The consequence is that development policies
have failed and will continue to fail due to lack of a well-structured
environment for development. The recommendations made under the
heading ‘Review of Institutional, Legal and Policy framework’
aim at revamping the system to turn the situation from anarchy
to order.
3.2.1 A hierarchy of subsystems
There are two diametrically opposed approaches to development.
These are the centralized approach and the free-market economy.
Uganda is underdeveloped. The country needs to develop. The
ideal situation therefore is that all resources and efforts of
each and every individual are strongly co-ordinated for rapid
development. Given this need the approach that immediately comes
to mind is the centralized systems where government will have
definite control on development.
However, rigidly centralized systems, though resulting in consistency
at National level, have the disadvantage of inflexibility and
can generally be out of touch with unique local development needs.
The Ugandan experience also shows concentrating power at the top
opens the systems to abuse and misuse with the ruling elite allocating
themselves the bulk of the resources.
The extreme alternative to the centralised system is the free
market economy where decisions for allocation of resources are
left to individual households and firms with minimum government
interference. This system is very flexible and leads to efficiency.
However the government has limited control over the multitude
of individual decisions and hence it is more difficult to maintain
national consistency. In the Ugandan context, due to low functional-education
levels and lack of prerequisite conditions (infrastructure, information,
political stability), individuals left to themselves can simply
not develop the economy. In any case the dire development needs
of the country require a degree of consistency which cannot be
offered by this approach.
Of the two extreme approaches therefore, neither is recommended.
Instead a comprise approach, which strikes a balance between the
benefits and disadvantages of each, is preferred. However, given
the general paralysis in the system, strong guidance from the
top is emphasized in order to give the initial crucial push to
project the country into prosperity. But the ultimate aim should
be a gradual empowerment of the individuals with the aim of having
more and more decisions made by the households and private firms.
Currently Uganda is divided into districts as stipulated by
the constitution.
“The system of local government in Uganda
shall be based on the district as a
unit…”[7].
Under the district there are the counties, then sub-counties,
the parish and finally the village unit. The basic principle
here-in is consistent with the suggestions of this paper but the
systems are rather weak. Hence there is still a need for political
will to strengthen and co-ordinate them for effectiveness in making
and implementations of plans.
However, the present decentralised system has tow major shortcomings.
One is that since direct government involvement stops at the district,
the ability of government to control and direct development is
greatly diminished. The state of development in Uganda requires
stronger government control than can be offered by this system.
The second problem, which is even more significant, is failure
of the system to address an existing structural deficiency. The
structural deficiency is that the government does not get down
to the grass roots to provide services and to actively influence
people’s decisions. A government which fails to reach the
people cannot unite all of them in purpose to lift the country
out of abject poverty.
Given these two shortcomings, it is suggested that the central
government increases its influence on development trends by playing
a more active role in at district level and running a parallel
deconcentrated system.
A deconcentrated system is one in which
central state authority appears at various vertical levels of
the sub-national entities which act as agents for the center [8]
|